Mottled Dawns and Self-Goals: The Heavy Cost of Instant Statesmanship
Devendra Gautam
What happens when powerful people who are not
known for speaking begin speaking? What happens when important people not known
for writing — because they obviously have other important things to do — begin
writing, all of a sudden?
Nepal’s contemporary history shows that a
disaster — or a ‘revolution’ — is most likely to happen in either of the cases.
In our case, the disaster and the revolution are synonyms, by and large,
right?
Build institutions, not cults
Instead of building a base of rabid fans and
followers, the focus of any democratic government worth its name, including a
celebrity-studded administration of the present, should be on
building/strengthening institutions to stabilise and strengthen our democratic
polity and country. While our institutions are tottering, a tribe of livid fans
and followers is on overdrive on social media and beyond, putting their heroes
that have risen phenomenally from the ashes of death and destruction in a
youths-led movement by securing a popular mandate, on a high pedestal, likening
them to ‘statesmen’ overnight.
How cheap and featherweight words have
become!
While this practice of hero worship has been
there all along in a society where democracy is just a word and not a way of
life, intensifying hostility towards dissenters should be a matter of grave
concern for all and sundry.
Back to building solid institutions for
strengthening the country and the polity.
Will an untried, untested and unbridled
political leadership that has just risen from the ashes of burnt down organs of
the state have the foresight to build such institutions? Does it have the
political will to do that? The dawn appears mottled but let’s hope the sun
breaks out from the sea of ominous clouds.
The aftereffects of a remark?
Days after a very controversial statement
from the Prime Minister in the House of Representatives regarding border
disputes, the chair of the ruling Rastriya Swatantra Party embarked on a
five-day visit to India.
This move has given rise to a series of
questions.
When your house is on fire, what do you do?
You try to put out the flames with your family members, right? But the RSP
chief chose to embark on a long visit to the neighbour, letting the flames lick
the house, for five long days.
Could he not have put off the visit citing
difficult circumstances at home? Would the host country not have understood the
situation their neighbour was in?
What kind of expert advisers does he have
around him? What type of nuggets of wisdom do they feed him with?
During his visit, a long article appeared in
an Indian English daily under his byline, where he highlighted the need to
further strengthen cross-border linkages (they are already strong enough,
aren’t they?). This includes the construction of a much-talked-about
Raxaul-Kathmandu railway, development of export-oriented hydropower projects in
Nepal, development of pilgrimage routes between the two countries and the
construction of integrated checkposts along the border. His fans and supporters
are going gaga over what they call a successful visit, describing him already
as a ‘statesman’.
Does Lamichhane indeed think that an old,
diesel engine chugging between Raxaul and Kathmandu along a broad-gauge railway
will take bilateral relations to a new era, in this era of bullet train
technology?
Will export-oriented hydropower projects, to
be developed, most probably, with foreign investment and for consumption across
the border by inundating swathes of Nepali territories, including jungles,
farmlands and settlements, and displacing local communities, give our economy a
turnaround?
Now about building more integrated checkposts
along the border (most probably on our side of the border). How many more do we
need, given that three are already in operation — in Biratnagar, Bhairahawa and
Birgunj? What more stuff are we going to export, except for a couple of things
like ginger, palm oil and tea? Does Lamichhaneji think that exporting these
items to the next-door neighbour has been a piece of cake? Sip orthodox tea produced
in Nepal and think harder, Netaji!
One last word
In the wake of PM Shah’s border remarks that
not only India but Nepal has also encroached upon Indian territories, several
Indian media outlets found a ‘hot masala’ stuff to print.
Dainik Bhaskar, for example, screamed with a headline,
(mis)informing its readership that Nepal has ‘encroached upon’ 7,100 acres of
Indian territories. This may be in bad taste to livid fans and supporters of
Nepal’s ruling party, but India herself has not charged Nepal with encroaching
upon or occupying her territories.
After our PM’s statement, coincidentally or
otherwise, there came a report, stating that India’s Seema Sashastra Bal (SSB)
personnel had prevented the Nepali side from constructing an embankment along
the Narayani river in Susta rural municipality-5 of Nawalparasi district.
Citing a local government official, the report stated that the piece of land in
question was not ‘disputed’ before the prime ministerial remark, giving rise to
concerns that fresh disputes might arise in the days to come.
For our very capable, well-read and
intelligent officialdom and political leadership burning the midnight oil to
resolve all outstanding border disputes with a subcontinent-sized and powerful
— militarily, economically and diplomatically — neighbour that is 22 times
bigger than Nepal and happens to be the most populous country on Planet Earth,
here’s a gem from Neville Maxwell’s India’s China War (page 15):
“…..Russia’s greatest annexations of Chinese
territory were taking place at the time in the Far East, however. There the
Russians had renewed their southward thrust in the middle of the century,
taking advantage of China’s weakness as other European powers were doing, and
had taken all the territory north of the Amur River and east of its tributary,
the Ussuri, founding the port of Vladivostock (sic) and cutting off China from
the Sea of Japan. China was forced to accept the loss of these huge tracts in
the Treaties of Aigun (1858) and Beijing (1860). From this experience the
lesson must have been painfully obvious: never negotiate boundary settlements
from a position of weakness. This goes far to explain China’s approach to
boundary questions until the middle of the 1950s.
By the time this piece gets published, if at
all, our Foreign Minister will, in all likelihood, be back home from a very
important yet impromptu visit to the next-door neighbour.
By the way, is this not the right time to engage with all principal powers
instead of opting for impromptu, opaque engagements with a neighbour with whom
we have strained relations and a huge trust deficit?
Will the minister bring home the bacon or
return with some more self-goals against Nepal and the Nepalis?
Keep stargazing!
Gautam is a desk editor and columnist.
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